New Delhi, October 3, 2025
As the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) marks its centenary year—a milestone commemorating its founding in 1925 by Dr. Keshav Baliram Hedgewar—the organization finds itself at the center of a renewed political and ideological storm. Long-standing accusations that the RSS harbors resentment toward Mahatma Gandhi, India's revered independence leader, and subtly glorifies his assassin, Nathuram Godse, have resurfaced amid a flurry of recent controversies. From Prime Minister Narendra Modi's supporters clashing over Gandhi's "Hindu" identity on Gandhi Jayanti to fiery exchanges at high-profile conclaves, the debate underscores deep fissures in India's national narrative, pitting inclusive secularism against Hindu nationalist fervor.
The RSS, often described as the ideological fountainhead of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), has faced criticism for its perceived role in fostering a worldview that views Gandhi's emphasis on Hindu-Muslim unity and non-violence as a betrayal of Hindu interests. Critics, including opposition leaders from the Congress and Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), have labeled the organization a "traitor entity" that opposed the freedom struggle and the Constitution itself, favoring instead the ancient Manusmriti text that enshrines caste hierarchies. This comes even as RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat has advocated for a "Hindu Rashtra," a concept seen by detractors as antithetical to India's secular framework.
Roots in History: Hedgewar's Congress Ties and the Birth of RSS Ideology
The irony of these tensions traces back to Hedgewar himself, a former volunteer in the Indian National Congress who participated in the Non-Cooperation Movement of the 1920s. Disillusioned by what he saw as the Congress's insufficient focus on organized Hindu mobilization against colonial rule—and amid rising communal riots—Hedgewar founded the RSS on Vijayadashami in 1925 in Nagpur to build a disciplined cadre of Hindu volunteers. Remarkably, he retained his Congress membership until around 1930, even as the RSS evolved into a parallel structure emphasizing physical training (shakhas) and cultural revivalism.
This dual allegiance highlights the RSS's origins within the broader freedom struggle, a point BJP leaders like Modi have recently emphasized to counter narratives of the organization's aloofness from anti-colonial efforts. Yet, Hedgewar's vision clashed with Gandhi's: while the Mahatma preached ahimsa (non-violence) and sarva dharma sambhava (equal respect for all religions), the RSS prioritized Hindu unity as a bulwark against perceived threats from Muslims and British divide-and-rule tactics. Hedgewar's successor, M.S. Golwalkar, amplified this in his book Bunch of Thoughts, critiquing Gandhi's interfaith outreach as naive.
Central to the RSS-Gandhi rift is the 1947 Partition of India, which unleashed carnage and displaced millions. Hardline Hindu nationalists, including Godse—a former RSS swayamsevak who later joined the Hindu Mahasabha—blamed Gandhi for "appeasing" Muslims by insisting India honor financial commitments to the nascent Pakistan and by fasting to quell communal violence. Godse, in his trial statement, accused Gandhi of being "pro-Muslim" and enabling the "bloodshed" of Partition, echoing sentiments that Gandhi's pacifism weakened Hindu resolve.
Godse's Act and the Lingering Shadow
Godse's bullets ended Gandhi's life on January 30, 1948, at a Delhi prayer meeting, just weeks after Gandhi's pointed address to an RSS rally on September 16, 1947. In that speech, Gandhi warned the RSS against fostering a "narrow" Hinduism that marginalized minorities, stating, "If the Hindus felt that in India there was no place for any one else except the Hindus... they would kill Hinduism." He urged the group to operate within the law and support leaders like Jawaharlal Nehru and Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel in nation-building.
The assassination triggered immediate backlash: RSS workers were reportedly seen distributing sweets in celebration, prompting Patel to ban the organization on February 4, 1948, citing its speeches as "full of communal poison" that culminated in Gandhi's death. The ban was lifted months later after the RSS pledged allegiance to the Constitution, but the wound festered. Godse, though he had ostensibly left the RSS in the 1930s, recited an RSS prayer at his execution in 1949, fueling claims of enduring ties.
Today, while the RSS officially condemns Godse as a "murderer" who tarnished Hindutva— with Golwalkar himself denouncing the act as a "blot on society"—fringe elements within the broader ecosystem venerate him. Temples and statues to Godse dot parts of Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra, where he is hailed as a "patriot" who struck against a "traitor." This duality persists: Modi, a former RSS pracharak, pays floral tributes to Gandhi annually, yet faces accusations of tacit endorsement through the promotion of Godse's mentor, V.D. Savarkar.
Recent Flashpoints: A Centenary Under Siege
The RSS's 100th year has amplified these contradictions. On Gandhi Jayanti (October 2), Modi lauded Gandhi on X, tweeting, “We will keep following his path in our quest to build a Viksit Bharat,” and crediting his methods for transforming history through "courage and simplicity." Yet, as columnist Vir Sanghvi noted in a scathing critique, Modi's supporters flooded social media with vitriol, branding Gandhi a "pseudo-Hindu" responsible for Partition—ignoring that Savarkar, not Gandhi, championed the Two-Nation theory. Sanghvi argues this fear stems from Gandhi's unyielding commitment to pluralism: as a "proud Hindu" who invoked Ram Rajya yet rejected bigotry, he embodies an inclusive nationalism that threatens the majoritarian vision of a Hindu Rashtra.
The row escalated last week when Goa Congress chief Amit Patkar alleged RSS involvement in Gandhi's killing, prompting BJP demands for an apology. "History, judiciary, and every independent inquiry have confirmed that the RSS had no role in Gandhi's assassination," the BJP retorted. Meanwhile, AAP's Delhi unit warned against "selective" RSS teachings in schools, decrying the group's "anti-Constitution" stance and opposition to reservations. In April, a broader "defamation campaign" against Gandhi was decried by activists, linking it to Hindutva narratives.
A pivotal clash unfolded at the India Today Mumbai Conclave on September 28, where Organiser editor Prafulla Ketkar rebutted Tushar Gandhi (the Mahatma's great-grandson). Ketkar quipped, “I heard of Godse more from RSS haters than RSS supporters,” crediting Golwalkar for the swift condemnation and emphasizing RSS alignment with Gandhi's ideals like cow protection and spiritual democracy. He defended the RSS as a "civilisational force" that views all Indians as "civilisationally Hindu," rejecting fascist labels and citing relief work in disasters like the 2001 Bhuj earthquake as proof of inclusivity.
In August, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi sought court protection in Pune, citing threats from "followers of Savarkar and Godse" amid a defamation case—highlighting how these historical ghosts haunt contemporary politics. The Wire, in a centenary reflection, urged the RSS to "introspect" on Gandhi's 1947 plea for atonement over minority violence, warning that its pursuit of a Hindu Rashtra violates the Places of Worship Act and the Constitution's secular ethos.
A Call for Reckoning?
As fireworks light up RSS shakhas nationwide for the centenary, the organization grapples with its image: a disciplined volunteer force behind social service or a specter of communal division? Bhagwat's overtures for dialogue with Muslims notwithstanding, opposition voices demand clarity—will the RSS embrace Gandhi's vision of unity, or double down on Godse's grievance?
Historians like Ramachandra Guha argue the RSS must confront its "foundational flaws," including Golwalkar's threats to "silence" Gandhi just before the assassination. For now, the debate rages, a reminder that in India's democracy, the past is never truly buried. As Sanghvi laments, imposing "logic and reason on bigotry and hatred" may be futile, but in this centenary moment, the nation watches closely.
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